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Essay about money changer | Cardinal Edify
Participants also indicated whether or not they used a structured approach to change management. The data in the 2013 study showed a continued growth in those participants following a particular change management methodology. The percentage of participants utilizing a methodology more than doubled between 2003 and 2013. Today, nearly 8 in 10 projects are utilizing a structured change management methodology.
Nevertheless, even at the end of the fifteenth century, most transactions inside the city, as in the country, were met by payment in coin. Only in a limited number of cities was there a sufficiently developed system of banche del giro or banche di scritte for payment to be made frequently and easily by transfer in the books of the bank, and even in these cities banking facilities were only available to a relatively restrained number of people. Around 1500, perhaps four thousand out of a total adult male population of thirty thousand in Venice had current bank accounts. That is to say that nearly ninety per cent did not have such accounts, and, of those who did, a high proportion, precisely a half, were noble.(F.C. Lane, 'Venetian bankers 1496-1533', Journal of Political Economy, xlv (1937), 187-206, reprinted in his Venice and History (Baltimore, 1966.) Robert S. Lopez, 'Une histoire à trois niveaux: la circulation monétaire', Mélanges en l'honneur de Fernand Braudel, ii(1973), 335-41 extrapolating from de Roover's work, suggested that in Bruges around 1400, only one in 40 of the total population, perhaps one in ten of the adult males, had bank accounts.) This emphasizes that, even in Venice, by far the most commercially sophisticated city in Europe in 1500, the vast majority of transactions, although not the largest ones, were still carried out with actual metallic coin. In less advanced cities, the use of coin was even more dominant. It was not until the seventeenth century that anything except coined money made a really significant contribution to the internal money supply outside a few favoured cities. Even then this was only true in England and Holland, which were by then the most advanced countries commercially. Right up to the nineteenth century the role of coined money was in many places dominant, and everywhere important. It is virtually only in the twentieth century that coin has been relegated to the role of small change in the money supply. These later developments took place in societies which were increasingly urban and industrialised. Medieval Europe was predominantly rural and overwhelmingly agricultural. In such a society the money supply was the supply of metallic coin, with only insignificant exceptions. In most places the role of the moneychanger did not develop further, but continued to be strictly limited to the exchanging of currency in one metal for that in another.
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International banking and local banking soon came to be combined, where that was possible. Thus bills of exchange could be bought by debiting a bank account and their proceeds credited to a bank account. Raymond de Roover has described how this was done in Bruges and Barcelona; Reinhold Mueller in Venice, and Jacques Heers in Genoa. Heers gives a late but vivid example of how important this combination of the two forms of banking became. Between 1456 and 1459 an account book of the Piccamiglio records the receipt of payments from abroad by bills of exchange totalling 159,710 Genoese lire. Of these only 11,753 lire worth of bills were paid to them in cash. All the rest, over 92.5 per cent of them, were met by crediting their accounts in local giro banks.(Mueller, 'Bank money', pp. 57-9; Jacques Heers, Gênes au Xve siècle (abridged edition, Paris, 1971), p. 90.)
Historians are already well served for general comment on the mechanism of exchange by the works of the late Raymond de Roover, L'Evolution de la lettre de change (Paris, 1953), his introduction to The Bruges Money Market circa 1400 (Brussels, 1968), and the relevant sections of The Rise and Decline of the Medici Bank 1397-1494 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), and Money, Credit and Banking in Medieval Bruges (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), and by a large number of pertinent articles in both French and English. Many of his English papers were posthumously collected by Julius Kirschner and published as Business, Banking and Economic Thought (Chicago, 1974). His French papers have not yet been collected. For a commentary on one country there is Carlo Cipolla's masterly introduction to I movimenti dei cambi in Italia (Pavia, 1948). Tommaso Zerbi, Moneta effective e moneta di conto (Milan, 1953) and Antonia Borlandi ('Moneta e congiuntura a Bologna 1360-1364', Bulletino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, lxxxii, 1970, pp.371-478) have shown what can be done for the cities of Milan and Bologna. Although José Gentil da Silva's Banque et crédit en Italie au XVIIe siècle (two volumes, Paris, 1969) refers to a later period, there is also much to be learnt from it, as from John McCusker's Money and Exchange in Europe and America 1600-1775 (New York, 1978).
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Quite often, exchange arrangements quoted the rate of exchange as well as the sums involved. Where only the actual sums were given, they have been reduced to a rate in the form most commonly given in other documents. For example, 91 li. 4s. imperiale for 57 florins, appears as 1 florin to 32 soldi imperiale. For certain, very limited, periods and for certain particular exchanges, there is a very great deal of material available in almost daily series. It was not thought proper, in a Handbook which attempts to cover over three centuries, to include daily quotations. In these cases a quotation for only one business day of each month has normally been selected. When such frequent quotations survive it is possible to discern the seasonal cycles of larghezza and strettezza, of easy money and tight money, as noted by medieval merchants in their manuals or notebooks. Half a dozen notebooks, those named after da Canal, Pegolotti, Datini, Ricci, Uzzano and Chiarini, have been used extensively for preparing the background texts appended to the data entries. They are also of enormous value in understanding how the medieval money market actually worked.
In some ways, it is surprising that languages change. After all, they are passed down through the generations reliably enough for parents and children to communicate with each other. Yet linguists find that all languages change over time—albeit at different rates. For example, while Japanese has changed relatively little over 1,000 years, English evolved rapidly in just a few centuries. Many present-day speakers find Shakespeare’s sixteenth century texts difficult and Chaucer’s fourteenth century Canterbury Tales nearly impossible to read.
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