Robber baron (industrialist) - Wikipedia
Robber barons and rebels essay - SPXFCU
Robber baron (industrialist) ..
Access to a private good is controlled by its producer or owner by a variety of devices ranging from shop counters, safes, walls, and fences to measures against theft, robbery, fraud, illicit copying, and breach of contract. The cost of these devices and measures is the exclusion cost of the good. Every good is private or public according to whether exclusion cost is or is not incurred in making it available. A public good is distributed freely to all comers from a given public, avoiding the exclusion cost that would keep it private. This saving is the “productivity of publicness.”
The ethical problem has two main components. One is the curtailment of free disposal of incomes, which is prima facie objectionable. However, even in modern libertarian doctrine, compulsory social protection is not unanimously condemned. Hayek, for example, thinks it is a lesser evil, and as such he accepts it. The reason is the threat of a particularly noxious form of “moral hazard.” Moral hazard infects all kinds of insurance, for if you are compensated in case of a loss (e.g., the loss of your job), you try less hard to avoid the loss. Apart from this more or less “normal” moral hazard, voluntary social insurance throws up a different, nastier version. If you are not forced to insure yourself, you may quite cynically and coldly leave yourself uninsured in the safe knowledge that if worst comes to worst, the state will not allow you to suffer too much misery but will rush to your rescue at the taxpayers’ expense.
Howard zinn robber barons and rebels summary
To judge by the persistent widening of the range of tradable goods and of long-distance trade, the development of transport technology and communications may have been faster than the technology of production, and this development seems recently to have accelerated. The shrinking of time and space probably accounts for the greater part of “globalization,” dwarfing the effect of lower tariffs and weaker nontariff barriers to trade.
The reason is not so much the vastness of the sums involved and the glaring inequalities they create, as the great ease with which they seem to come and the perversity of the value system they are supposed to reflect (though there is no reason to suppose that they reflect anything like a value system). Glaring inequalities are as old as history, and though they were occasionally rebelled against, they were not really perceived as indecent, esthetically disgusting, and morally reprehensible. All ancient empires were extremely inegalitarian. The states of ancient Greece appear to have been fairly egalitarian with the king perhaps ten times richer than the shepherd or the fisherman, but in ancient Rome the wealth and income of a rich senator must have been thousands of times greater than that of the proletarian let alone his outdoor slaves. Many of these differences were a matter of hierarchical status and were part of the tacitly accepted established order of things. There is no compelling reason why some of capitalism’s inherent inequalities should not in the fullness of time also be so accepted or (more probably) grudgingly acquiesced in, though the reasoning spirit of enlightenment will want to understand why the established capitalist order deserves at least tacit acceptance.
Captain of Industry or Robber Baron ..
Vladimir Putin is embarking on his second presidential term with a new prime minister whose profile may be telling us something about what he means to do in the next four years for Russia—as well as to it. Mr. Fradkov looks and acts as if he were a rather ungainly and somber early-model robot programmed to perform standard tasks reliably enough but with neither capacity nor intention to pursue ideas of his own. He leaves thinking and deciding strictly to his master, whoever the master happens to be. His career of safe mediocrity included the foreign trade ministry, an economic post at the Russian embassy in New Delhi, the direction of the tax police and the post of Russian representative at the European Union’s Commission in Brussels. As an international negotiator, he distinguished himself by never answering a question of substance off the cuff, but instead searching in his files for the right cue card and reading off a prepared reply. He can be expected to carry out Mr. Putin’s every wish with exemplary loyalty and rigor.
Some have become business giants, others have crumbled into abject poverty pedaling rickshaws, but they still maintain their royal status and ancient de jure rights despite an ungrateful government that has robbed them.
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Robber barons and rebels thesis
Robber Barons And Rebels.
Robber barons and rebels thesis / Funny resume answers
Robber Barons and Rebels ;
Howard Zinn Robber Barons And Rebels Thesis
Robber Barons and Rebels ..
A People's History Of The United States
Modern laws making royal, imperial and noble titles illegal, as in Austria, does not, and cannot, take away or rob the Hapsburg family of their titles or the de jure rights that they own, provided, of course, they never sold or lawfully gave them away.
The Nationalist's Delusion - The Atlantic
Here we reach the nub of the problem of why people in some societies behave mostly well, while in others they so often misbehave. Law even at its best controls only a small part of human behavior. At its worst, it aspires to control a great part, but largely fails. Vastly more important than the legal system is the much older and more deeply rooted set of unwritten rules (technically, spontaneous conventions) barring and sanctioning torts, nuisances, and incivilities that together define what each of us is free to do and by the same token what no one is free to do to us. If these rules are kept, everyone is free, property is safe, and every two-person transaction is mutually beneficial (though third persons may be exposed to negative externalities—for the rules are no bar to competition or the general rough-and-tumble of ordinary life).
News: Breaking stories & updates - Telegraph
Despite appearances, Russia is proving to be a huge disappointment to those who believed that having shaken off socialism, it will restart the diversified, capitalist, and bourgeois development that was twice aborted, in the 1860s and in 1905. The Yeltsin years, especially after the loans-for-shares privatization wave of 1995, notwithstanding the mind-boggling corruption and thieving that accompanied them, were marked by a retreat of the state, decentralization of power, and the rise of a “robber baron” class that bore some resemblance to its American counterpart between 1890 and 1914. Despite its ugly features, this could have been the foundation of a viable, self-sustaining capitalist evolution.
SOVEREIGNTY, NOBILITY AND ROYALTY
There is one type of exclusion cost that is more important by far than all the rest in putting a good in the public category: it is social preference. It is intangible and is only revealed by the choices it inspires. A pure example is a children’s playground. Access to it is excludable at low cost by a fence and a ticket collector at the gate. However, society would suffer deep moral embarrassment if rich children could use the playground but poor ones could only watch them from the outside. Therefore real exclusion cost would be unbearably high, and children’s playgrounds are provided as public goods.
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