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Economic forces are constituting the world into one economy and, to a lesser extent, one political society. Nations participate in global governance according to their economic power, which is coextensive with their rights. The global order is ruled by an informal cabinet of the world's economically most powerful countries; its law is the logic of the market, and status in this new order is a function of economic performance (Ake, 1995: 26).

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If, in the nineteenth century, those people who understood it and had access to its benefits rejoiced in the bounty of modernity and its scientific-technological wonders, the people of late modernity are cultured to expect mass consumption but are increasingly sufficiently well informed to develop doubts about its benefits. This is self-reflexivity and it is stimulated by negative experiences shared on a global scale, like for instance the Chernobyl disaster. It is individualism, enabled by mass education and encouraged by post-1960s permissiveness and self-awareness.(emphasis in original) (Spybey, 1996: 153).

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...contested and undecided...encounter between global cultural flows and inherited local identities,...the uneasy balance between the persistence of unique local cultural identities and the reshaping of such uniqueness by totalizing transnational cultural influences ranging from Coca-Colarization to the universalisation of western ideological and political concepts (Waters, 1995: 130).

2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011 Mark Rigstad

However, as MacEwan has forcefully stated:

Chaos and turmoil in various regions create serious ripple effects that will not leave the rest of the globe untouched: Wars, refugees, embargoes, sanctions, weapons of mass destruction, radical ideology, and terrorism all emerge from the crucible of the failing state order...The West will not be able to quarantine less-developed states and their problems indefinitely, any more than states can indefinitely quarantine the dispossessed within their own societies--on practical as well as moral grounds (1995, 154).

... systems of international marketing and communications create freeways for the mass import of foreign cultural materials--food, drugs, clothing, music, films, books, television programs, even values--with the concomitant loss of control over societies, symbols and myths. Such cultural anxieties are welcome fuel to more radical political groups that call for cultural authenticity, preservation of traditional and religious values, and rejection of the alien cultural antigens. Big Macs become in-your-face symbols of American power--political, economic, and military--over weak or hesitant societies and states (Fuller, 1995: 152).

He goes on to describe what form these "destructive reactions" might take:
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  • "The race for the bottom." The Economist, October 7, 1995, p. 114.

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  • Waters, Malcolm. 1995. Globalization. London: Routledge.

    Jihad vs. McWorld - Wikipedia

  • Review: Jihad vs McWorld by Benjamin R Barber | …

    Jihad vs

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Jihad vs. McWorld - The Atlantic

This conceptual framework does highlight various aspects of the conflicts of globalization. First, we can see that all three types of conflict "stakes"--i.e. needs, values and interests--come into play. However, as Burton himself explains, in any given conflict, such as a strike over better working conditions, one has to consider the possibility that it is really caused by a more general deprivation of basic needs (perhaps recognition, valued relationships, or control) which will eventually have to be addressed if further disruptions of production are to be avoided in future.

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He also explains how this leads to various forms of deviant behavior, because "..deprivation frequently leads to overreaction, and the individual goes beyond the normal pursuit of needs satisfaction...", and overreaction which may find an outlet in extremism of one form or another (1990: 99).

Read this Philosophy Essay and over 88,000 other research documents

Human needs are being frustrated on a large scale in all modern societies, and the more law and order is enforced to control frustration the more the frustration. There is now a widespread concern regarding the legitimacy of even the most seemingly legitimized authorities. The members of protest movements of many kinds in many different societies, and the terrorists who spring from relatively privileged classes, are demonstrating that there are features of societies, of all political types, unacceptable to a significant number of the people that comprise them (1990: 98).

What Is The Thesis Of Jihad Vs Mcworld - Orwell 1984 …

This approach has important implications for social institutions. If, on balance, needs, whatever they are determined to be, are being met within an institution, the institution receives support and is consolidated and perpetuated. If, however, needs are not met, the institution loses support and legitimacy, and confronts increasing opposition. In the latter case, authorities tend to react with repression and coercion, but if an institution is "de-legitimated" for enough people, conflict can not be resolved this way. Rather, the institutional structures have to evolve, sooner or later, to more fully accommodate the needs of the people they affect. If a particular social order is only legitimized for a portion of the society, one would expect that, given enabling conditions, those whose needs are not met would react. Burton goes so far as to assert that this has become the general condition in modern societies, arguing that:

apcomparative - Jihad V.S. McWorld

Second, as we have seen, there are signs that many of the contemporary effects of economic and cultural globalization are not considered legitimate by an increasing number and variety of populist groups all over the world. If the means to the fulfillment of basic needs are seen to be eroded by processes of globalization, reaction, rejection and increasing hostility are to be expected. Thus, in the Global South globalization has weakened the state as a barrier to Western economic and cultural domination, creating an even more acute sense of vulnerability, and in the North a popular perception of economic globalization as a threat to community (i.e. valued relationships and identity) and economic security has increased receptivity to xenophobic and protectionist extremism.
In summary, Burton's work indicates that, ideology aside, globalization cannot continue indefinitely in its contemporary form. Either processes of national and global governance will evolve to better accommodate the basic needs and values of those groups now mobilizing against current patterns of change, or the frequency and intensity of disruption and reaction will continue to accelerate with unpredictable, but decidedly negative, short to medium run effects. Both scenarios indicate that the only constant is change.

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